Thread: Archive Latest News - Think Tank - 16/08/07 - 03/11/07

Iraqi Premier to visit Syria on August 20

Baghdad - Iraqi Premier Nuri al-Maliki is expected to visit neighbouring Syria on Monday to discuss "security and political issues," official government spokesman Ali al-Dabagh told Iraqi state television on Saturday. No further details were disclosed by al-Dabagh.

Iraq and Syria, which share borders, have been experiencing turbulent relations over the years.

The countries' tiess turned sour during the reign of ex-dictator Saddam Hussein especially during the Iran-Iraq and Gulf wars. However, in November 2006, the two countries restored full diplomatic ties.

Still, Syria is often accused of having a frail grip on the borderline between Iraq and Syria, allowing foreign fighters and terrorists to seep into the war-ravaged state through its borders.

Syria has defended itself by claiming that it is difficult to control the long stretch of porous desert between the two states, but that it is keen on Iraqi security.

Iraqi Premier to visit Syria on August 20 : Middle East World

Bush: 'Signs of progress' in Iraq

CRAWFORD, Texas, Aug. 18 Military, reconstruction and political efforts in Iraq are showing "signs of progress," President George W. Bush said Saturday.

In his weekly radio address, Bush told listeners U.S. and Iraqi forces "have struck powerful blows" against al-Qaida terrorists and violent extremists in Iraq.

One week after using his weekly address to say there had been "encouraging" news from Iraq and Afghanistan, Bush Saturday said reconstruction teams in Iraq are bringing military, civilian and diplomatic personnel together to help Iraqis rebuild infrastructure and create jobs.

"These teams are now deployed throughout the country, and they are helping Iraqis make political gains, especially at the local level," he said.

On the political front, Bush said there were "signs of progress from the bottom up" in several Iraqi provinces.

However, he acknowledged that political progress "at the national level has not matched the pace of progress at the local level."

"The Iraqi government in Baghdad has many important measures left to address, such as reforming the de-Baathification laws, organizing provincial elections and passing a law to formalize the sharing of oil revenues," Bush said.

Bush: 'Signs of progress' in Iraq : World

Fresh violence in northern Iraq kills five, wounds 40 - Summary

Baghdad - Arrests and raids were reported in Iraq on Saturday while terrorist attacks continued to claim lives. In one incident, five Iraqi civilians were killed when two explosive charges detonated successively in Kirkuk, northern Iraq, the Arab broadcaster al-Jazeera reported Saturday.

Around 40 people were wounded in the explosions.

Al-Jazeera showed pictures of blood-covered victims being rushed to a ho****al in nearby Arbil as their loved ones wailed. There was no official statement regarding the incident from local authorities.

Also in Kirkuk, 250 kilometres north of Baghdad, police sources said that a joint US-Iraqi army raid led to the capture of 38 suspected terrorists, 15 of them were previously wanted by authorities.

Meanwhile, Interpol has issued an arrest warrant for Izzat Ibrahim al-Dori, Saddam Hussein's former deputy at the request of the Iraqi government.

Al-Dori, 65, is wanted by the Iraqi government on terrorism charges, the independent news agency Voices of Iraq (VOI) quoted an Interpol statment as saying.

A day earlier, Interpol had issued an arrest warrant for Saddam's 38-year-old daughter, Raghad, on charges of terrorism and crimes against innocent people.

Raghad and her children have been living in exile in the Jordanian capital Amman, where they are hosted by the Hashemite royal family.

Raghad only ventured into the limelight after her father's execution, when she demonstrated with other sympathizers in Amman.

Meanwhile, Interpol's statement carried a detailed description of al-Dori and encouraged those with information on his whereabouts to come forward.

Al-Dori topped a list of 41 wanted persons, issued by the Iraqi government in July 2006, according to VOI. US forces have accused him of financing Iraqi insurgents and offered a 10-million-dollar reward for information leading to his arrest.

Al-Dori was the deputy commander-in-chief of the armed forces under Saddam Hussein's rule. He allegedly held a senior post during the gassing of thousands of Kurds in 1988 when he was considered Saddam's right-hand man.

On a different note, a day earlier, thirteen gunmen and a child were reported killed by VOI citing US army sources. In the overnight incident, US forces fired back at "insurgents" who allegedly launched an attack against the multinational forces from a Sunni mosque in Baghdad's northern province of al-Tarmiyah, according to the report.

The US shelling took place before dawn prayers on Friday, when the mosque was packed with worshippers, said eyewitnesses, who spoke to VOI on condition of anonymity, adding that a US missile left a hole in the minaret.

Fresh violence in northern Iraq kills five, wounds 40 - Summary : Middle East World

Bush puts upbeat face on Iraq after Sinjar massacre

Washington - US President George W Bush Saturday insisted Iraqis are making progress on the local level de****e such setbacks at the Sinjar massacre that claimed at least 344 lives earlier this week. In his weekly radio message, Bush referred to operation Phantom Strike, launched to "capture and kill the enemy" after the suicide bombing attacks in northern Iraq around Sinjar.

Phantom Strike aims to prevent "terrorists and extremists fleeing Baghdad and other key cities" to prevent them from "setting up new bases of operation," Bush said.

But he said progress at the local level has surpassed national efforts, as proven by increasing numbers of Iraqi tribesmen and local leaders who are providing intelligence and supporting the Iraqi police in their efforts to bring civil order to the violent country.

Although the national government has not passed an oil revenue distribution law de****e pressure from Washington, more than 2 billion dollars have been allocated to the provinces, Bush said.

"All politics is local," the Republican president said, quoting one of the nation's most famous Democratic politicians, Tip O'Neill.

His remarks came as a September deadline looms for several major reports on Iraq, including updates from the commanding general in Iraq, David Petraeus, and Ryan Crocker, the US ambassador to Iraq.

The September 15 deadline for the report has loomed large in the sparring between the Democratic-led Congress and the Republican White House over the future course of the war.

Bush's popularity in the US has slumped because of the war and many in Congress, including some Republicans, want to set a deadline for withdrawing troops from Iraq.

But Bush, who ordered some 20,000 extra troops to Iraq this year, has repeatedly asked for patience until Crocker and Petraeus deliver their update, which will be pivotal in determining whether the strategy has made progress.

According to The New York Times on Saturday, the White House intends to present a troop drawdown strategy that would move far slower than Democrats are demanding.

The Times quoted military and administration officials as saying Bush would present as a "new" strategy the reduction of troops to the pre-surge levels from last year.

Democrats are demanding that a consistent troop reduction begin early next year.

Bush puts upbeat face on Iraq after Sinjar massacre : US World

Iraqi Political Parties' Agreement Full Text :

In the name of God the Merciful, the Compassionate
The National Principals for the Agreement of the Political Forces, and the Working Mechanisms Based on the depth of the historical and comradely relationships between the Iraqi political forces that struggled and strove in their opposition to the defunct Saddamist system until its overthrow, and for the sake of supporting the pioneering democratic experiment of the Iraqi people to realize its ambitions and its welfare by building a secure and stable Iraq, in control of its sovereignty over all of its territory, some of the fundamental political forces on the Iraqi scene have initiated a discussion of the current conditions in the country and the terrorist onslaught by the takfiris and Saddamists in their effort to abort the gains of our people and to move the country backwards, and the need to confront these criminal gangs with a deeper national unity. After deliberations, (these political forces) reached an agreement to unify their ranks for the sake of realizing national accord and reconciliation, and guiding the government and making it succeed, in light of the following basic national principles:

In the political aspect:

1) The need for unity and cooperation for the sake of making the political process -- which cannot be dismembered geographically -- succeed, and pushing it in the direction of absorbing representatives of all the components and forces on the Iraqi political scene with transparency and openness between the different parties in confronting the political, security, and economic challenges.

2) The agreement of the political partners who participate in the political process to the following principles:

a) Commitment to the political process and to the bases of the democratic, federal system in place in Iraq.

b) Real participation in power of all the political partners and avoiding the politics of exclusion or isolation.

c) The political partners bear responsibility for building the state and the country in the interests of the homeland and its citizens, and commitment to the programs of the declared government.

3) The treatment of problems inherited from the past era that reflected negatively on the relations between the different Iraqi groups.

4) The unification of the national position in regional and international cooperation in a way that enhances the sovereignty of Iraq and guarantees the reconciliation of its people and protects the democratic experiment and thwarts the criminal plans that intend to push (Iraq) backwards.

In the aspects of the (Iraqi) state:

5) The strengthening of the constitutional institutions and the commitment to them, and increasing the effectiveness of the Council of Deputies to accomplish their legislative and regulatory responsibilities, and (strengthening) cooperation between the parliamentary blocs.

6) Supporting the Iraqi government to succeed in its political, economic, security, and service program in order to provide the best services to the Iraqi people.

7) Speedy completion of the stages of application of article 140 of the constitution and the activation and support of the committees concerned with its application, and the attempt to adhere to the timetable in the matter concerned, in the two paragraphs related to the settlement of matters in Kirkuk, and the disputed areas along the borders of the governorates, according to the constitution.

8) Deepening the cooperation and coordination between the federal government and the government of the Kurdistan region in the security and military area and in combating terrorism.

9) Increased cooperation between the federal government and the regional governments and the governments of the provinces not organized into regions, in the security, economic, political, and social fields, and in all other fields in what strengthens the federal government on the one hand, and what strengthens the local governments on the other, according to the constitution.

10) Agreement on the timetables for achieving the political, legal, security, and economic accomplishments.

11) Activation of Iraqi diplomacy to defend Iraq and its democratic experiment.

12) Support of the security plan to protect the security of the citizens, and the review of this plan in order to enhance it to remove its deficiencies and gaps.

13) Working to complete the process of building, training, equipping, and forming the military and security apparatus.

14) Adoption of a unified position on the presence of foreign forces to promote the sovereignty and independence of Iraq.
In the economic and services aspects:

15) Improvement of the standard of living for the citizens and the provision of services, (achieving) this by review of the economic plan and enhancing the oversight of the implementing agencies to guarantee the provision of basic services to the citizens, and to raise the economic level (of the citizens), especially of the disadvantaged classes and the families of martyrs, and those victimized in the time of the previous regime.

16) Diagnosis of the difficulties and obstacles that stand as a barrier to the activation of the various agencies of the state (and which prevent them) from undertaking their duties with regards to the citizens, and combating administrative and financial corruption.

17) Preservation of the national wealth and developing it in order that it be returned to the benefit and welfare of all sons of the Iraqi people.
Working Mechanisms:

1) Agreement on the periodic meetings of political leaders and that these meetings be meetings of decision making.

2) Agreement on the agenda of policies and goals that are to be achieved in the next stage.

3) A mechanism for implementing decisions through the activation of the role of official institutions and cooperation between the political blocs.

4) The formation of a general secretariat to undertake the role of following and coordination and develop an internal system (among the parties to this agreement).

5) Agreement on coordination of media agencies among the political powers.

6) Continuing to work with other parties, especially the Sunni Arabs in order to consolidate the internal front (among the signatory parties) and to enhance participation in power.

7) This agreement represents the first stage, and remains open to all those who wish to work to support the political process.

8) The agreement on the joint mechanism and a unified position in cooperation on the regional and international axis over the success of the political project from the Iraqi viewpoint.

9) Activation of weekly or periodical meetings between the presidency and the prime minister's office, in order to handle issues concerning the government's achievements in compliance with the constitutional powers of the presidency, in recognition of its role in assuring the implementation of the constitution, and (in recognition of) the constitutional powers of the of the prime minister's office, considering that it is the direct implementing authority, as well as the general commander of the armed forces and the powers of the Council of Ministers and the ministries, according to the terms and powers specified in by constitution.

10) The parties intend to agree on a unified position, and in the case of differences, the parties commit not to oppose these positions set out in this agreement, and not to weaken one another.

(Signatories)
The Patriotic Union of Kurdistan
The Islamic Da'wa Party
The Kurdistan Democratic Party
The Supreme Iraqi Islamic Council
Baghdad, August 16, 2007

PUKmedia :: English - Iraqi Political Parties' Agreement Full Text :

U.S. Claims Victories Against al Qaeda in Iraq

By Peter Graff and Mariam Karouny
Reuters

BAGHDAD (Reuters) - U.S. and Iraqi government forces claimed a series of victories on Sunday against al Qaeda militants in a central province of Iraq that has been one of the heartlands of the Sunni militant insurgency.

On the stalled political front, Prime Minister Nuri al-Maliki's office said he had refused to accept the resignations of six cabinet members from the main Sunni bloc in parliament, who triggered a crisis by quitting last week.

But a senior official in the Sunni group, the Accordance Front, said the ministers would quit anyway.

U.S. forces said they had killed the top al Qaeda leader in Salahuddin province, Haitham al-Badri, whom they blamed for a pivotal 2006 attack on a Shi'ite shrine in the city of Samarra that was a turning point in the country's sectarian conflict.

They also said a week-long Iraqi police crackdown on al Qaeda in Samarra had netted 80 suspects.

Among the other al Qaeda figures reported captured over the past few days were the group's local leaders for the Salahuddin cities of Samarra and Tikrit, home town of ousted leader Saddam Hussein. The U.S. military said last week it had killed the al Qaeda leader in Mosul in the province further north.

U.S. and Iraqi officials frequently say they have killed or captured leading al Qaeda figures, and the precise role that any particular individual may have played in the shadowy militant group is often difficult to assess.

But the announcements indicate a push against al Qaeda guerrillas in the large stretch of towns and cities that runs along the fertile Tigris River valley north of Baghdad.

U.S. forces identified the slain al Qaeda provincial chief Badri as the mastermind behind two attacks on the al-Askari mosque, a Shi'ite shrine in Samarra.

TRIGGER OF VIOLENCE

The first of those attacks, which destroyed the mosque's famed golden dome in February last year, was the trigger for a sharp worsening in sectarian violence that has since consumed the country, killing tens of thousands of people. The second attack destroyed the mosque's two minarets six weeks ago.

Separately, an Iraqi military officer said troops had captured al Qaeda's leader for the city of Tikrit, named Talal al-Baazi. U.S. forces said the group's leader for Samarra, whom they did not name, was also caught.

The U.S. military said more than 1,000 Iraqi troops had completed a security sweep which began on July 31, arresting 80 militant suspects, and quoted the Salahuddin governor as promising a development campaign to begin in coming days.

Washington says its military strategy of sending 30,000 additional troops to Iraq this year and spreading them in neighborhoods is having success, but has complained about the failure of Iraqi politicians to make progress in the same time.

Deputy Prime Minister Salam al-Zobaie and five other ministers from the Accordance Front quit Maliki's coalition government.

Maliki's decision not to accept their resignations appears aimed at breaking the deadlock. But a senior parliamentarian from the Sunni group said they would quit anyway.

"We are insisting on our position. For us, the matter does not end with Maliki accepting or rejecting the resignations," Saleem al-Jubouri told Reuters. "We are talking about a program. The issue is if he accepts or rejects our program."

In Baghdad, a barrage of mortar rounds fell at dawn on a petrol station crowded with Iraqis queuing for fuel, killing 11 people, wounding 15 and destroying cars. Mortar rounds also fell at another petrol station nearby, wounding six more people.

Shortages mean Iraqis often have to line up for hours for fuel, where they are frequently targeted. Suicide bombers killed 70 people near two petrol stations last Wednesday.

PUKmedia :: English - U.S. Claims Victories Against al Qaeda in Iraq

UN Resolution on Bigger Iraq Role

from BBC NEWS

The US and the UK have circulated a new draft resolution to United Nations Security Council members proposing a bigger role for the UN in Iraq.

Under the plan, the UN would get a wider mandate, to help promote political reconciliation in Iraq.

The UN has had a low-key presence in Iraq since a truck bomb devastated its headquarters in Baghdad in August 2003.

Diplomats say a vote on any resolution will happen by 10 August, when the UN's existing mandate in Iraq expires.

This draft resolution comes days after meetings in Washington between President George W Bush and the British Prime Minister, Gordon Brown.

Wider mandate

The resolution, if adopted, would give the United Nations a much more powerful advisory role in Iraq, authorising it to advise in the review of the Iraqi constitution and help settle disputed internal boundaries.

The UN mission would also be asked to promote human rights and judicial and legal reforms and to assist the Iraqi government in planning for a national census.

The draft resolution calls for more UN involvement in helping refugees to return and managing humanitarian aid and helping the entire national reconstruction effort.

It also points out the importance of armed protection by mainly US forces for any enhanced UN team on the ground.

Former Secretary General Kofi Annan pulled all UN international staff out of Iraq after the top UN envoy, Sergio Vieira de Mello, and 21 other people died in a huge explosion at the UN headquarters in Baghdad in August 2003.

PUKmedia :: English - UN Resolution on Bigger Iraq Role

Iraq Refugee Summit Offers Help

An international conference in Jordan on the more than two million Iraqi refugees uprooted by war has pledged to help them with their difficulties.
But it insisted the solution to the problem lay in their return home and that the Iraqi government was directly responsible for its displaced citizens.

The UN refugee agency, UNRWA, said some 50,000 more Iraqis were escaping the violence in their homeland each month.

Most are ending up in Jordan and Syria, which want help to ease the burden.

UNRWA said the wave of displacement sparked by the war in Iraq was the biggest in the Middle East since 1948, when hundreds of thousands of Palestinians fled the newly created Israel.

A final statement at the end of the conference, which was attended by Iraq's neighbors, as well as the UN, US and UK, called on the international community to provide all possible support to the Iraqi people.

It also insisted countries hosting refugees were given assistance "so that they can continue to provide an adequate level of services to Iraqi nationals", particularly in health and education.

The host countries should have the authority to regulate the entry and residence of Iraqi nationals "in line with their law and considerations", the statement added.

But the conference stopped short of addressing calls by Jordan and Syria earlier in the day for rich western nations to take in greater numbers of refugees.

The Iraqi government said it would make available a promised $25m for those straining under the load of the burgeoning numbers of refugees.

'Real humanitarian crisis'

Earlier, the secretary-general of the Iraqi foreign ministry, Muhammad Hajj Hamoud, said the refugee problem should not be underestimated.
He added that efforts to stem the flow of refugees by Iraq's neighbors - who now impose tougher entry restrictions - resulted in cases of mistreatment at border crossings.

One refugee in Jordan, Najla Abda Karim Saleh, fled with her son and daughter. Another daughter was killed in sectarian violence.

She told the BBC she wanted help from the UN to bring her four grandchildren to safety in Amman, the Jordanian capital.

"We have lost [our] house, we are lost, my daughter is lost, my son [is] lost... help this family please," she wept.

The secretary-general of the Jordanian interior ministry, Mukhaimar Abu Jamous, told the summit that western countries had "relinquished their responsibility in shouldering the Iraqi refugee burden" and urged them to resettle the largest number possible.

The Syrian ambassador to Jordan, Milad Attiya, said the international community "must be involved, especially the United States because its policy led to the plight the Iraqis are currently in and it bears responsibility".

Although the US government announced earlier in the year that it would allow 7,000 Iraqis into the US by the end of September, it has allowed in just 133 over the past nine months because of stringent security measures.

Craig Johnstone, the UN deputy high commissioner for refugees, called for international assistance, since Syria and Jordan had few resources to cope with the influx.

"The international community, I think, has neglected the plight of the refugees from Iraq so far, but they are beginning to act," he told the BBC.
UNRWA says it hopes to find a permanent home for a total of 20,000 Iraqi exiles by the end of the year.

PUKmedia :: English - Iraq Refugee Summit Offers Help

Iraqi trade bank maintains a training session for staff outside Iraq --------------------------------------------------------------------------------

Iraqi trade bank maintains a training session for staff outside Iraq

المواطن/خاص Citizen / special
. The Bank assesses the Iraqi Trade Bank, which is an independent entity outside Iraq training course for staff of ministries and government bodies by the bank to open documentary credits them. وقال. A source at the bank told (the citizen) that the bank has decided to bear the expenses of these courses, including full cycle costs and travel and subsistence expenses of candidates for advanced cadres of ministries and state entities involved in opening documentary credits and contracts. His tendency comes from the Bank's approach to improving the functioning of the government cadres working and cope with global banking. Noting the participation of more than forty candidates in this training course which will be held in Istanbul on the 17th of this month for a week including travel days will be a number of specialized cadres globally training and lectures to the participants mentioned that there other courses of the candidates and State entities will be announced later and that the Bank's approach to the building of such courses have received the support of the Committee for Economic Affairs of the Presidency of the Council of Ministers and Mr. Finance Minister

http://64.233.179.104/translate_c?hl...m/economy.html

Towards Peace In and With Iraq


A constructive proposal from
the Transnational Foundation
The Board


August 16, 2007


Three challenges posed by the Iraq situation

With the exception of the Bush administration and a few other actors, a broad consensus is emerging *********: The military invasion and occupation of Iraq are considered a counterproductive means to achieve whatever positive official or implicit goals there may have been prior to the invasion in March 2003.

Iraq and its citizens, the region, the world order and the position of the U.S. itself has deteriorated markedly due to the failed policies of leading Western countries. The recent report “Rising to the Humanitarian Challenge in Iraq” (1) is a stark reminder of the urgency of a new and humane approach for Iraq. It is urgently needed, therefore, to think positively and to think long-term.

Simply put, three existentially important moral, intellectual and political challenges face anyone who is concerned about Iraq’s and the world’s future:

How was it possible that a policy so wrongheaded, uninformed and badly planned could be promoted as – and believed to be – Realpolitik and would stand a better chance than other policy options in promoting values such as human rights, democratization, peace and justice? In short, what lessons are there to learn about the limitations of the instrument of military intervention and confrontation as conflict-management methods and peace instruments in the specific case of Iraq and in general? And, having learnt some lessons, how do we prevent anything similar from happening in the future?
As the occupation in and of itself has had far more destructive than constructive effects on today’s Iraq and its citizens, how can the occupation be lifted as soon as possible?
What new policies for peace and reconciliation and normalization can be envisaged inside Iraq, regionally and between the Iraqi people and the occupying nations?
The focus of this proposal will be on how to end the occupation and move on toward reconciliation and normalization. Visions of a future peace compel all to seek approaches that go far beyond the war and intervention paradigm and the almost purely Western perspective presently dominating the international research and media world.



From destructive to constructive perspectives

One of the main reasons that the troops have not been withdrawn already is that there are extremely few visions and concrete plans that deal in a systematic manner with what should happen when the occupiers have left Iraq.

Much intellectual energy, media coverage and writing is devoted to how bad and wrong everything is – and it is – while there is almost no focus on what can and should be done during the next 10-20 years. Conflicts cannot be solved, however, without views of a better future. Since 2003, the international peace movements worked against the war but have had surprisingly little to say about what should be a substitute for the occupation. This makes them important as anti-war movements but largely failures as peace movements.

As long as the overall perspective is so pervasive, it is a safe hypothesis that there will be either no withdrawal or an even worse situation after such a withdrawal. Continued occupation until at least 2009 is an option according to the “Joint Campaign Plan” (2).

To just withdraw and offer the Iraqis nothing better after having brought down this unique disaster on their lives and society would be indefensible, not to say immoral. Iraq needs healing in a very broad and deep sense.

Withdrawal of foreign troops and bases is only a first step in a series that provides for progress towards peace and reconciliation in the country.



Why the occupation advocates may still win

The general discussion at the moment is highly deficient. Arguments are made by many and different actors that the Americans and their few allies should withdraw; then follows a cul de sac exchange among columnists, experts and diplomats about whether Iraq will then fall apart or recover. Few seem to recognize that the answer to that question is: the future of Iraq will not only depend on the effects of the withdrawal itself but much more on how we decide to co-operate with Iraq and its citizens.

The basic reason that Iraqis are killing Iraqis today is the occupation. It doesn’t mean that this will end when the occupation is lifted. To offer something completely new, constructive and truly peace- and reconciliation-building, the risk of descending into total chaos and civil war will be reduced.

Over summer 2007 there is a “surge” in articles about how much various (mostly elite) Iraqis fear the day the U.S. soldiers go home. However, a large majority of eyewitness reports and surveys document that most Iraqis seem to feel that the situation created since March 2003 is markedly worse than under Saddam Hussein’s regime and that they see no light at the end of the tunnel as long as the occupiers remain.

The “surge” in pro-occupation articles is part of broader opinion offensive to prove that there is no viable alternative to continued U.S. presence. If this wall of disinformation is allowed to remain, the advocates of continued occupation will win the debate in the media.

Withdrawal is not likely until many more citizens around the world can see alternatives to occupation. Elise Boulding, the grand old lady of peace research, has eloquently stated that what people can’t envision, they are not likely to fight for. What we can see is the occupation and its terrible effects - hence citizens’ engagement in that.



Dialogue, not a withdraw-and-forget policy

The worst and most dangerous policy at this point is a withdraw-and-forget policy. The invasion and ongoing occupation is a political, intellectual and moral disaster. A withdrawal that leaves Iraq at its own fate without any war reparations, aid, opportunities for socio-political healing, etc. would be yet another. (3)

Such a policy option may become more attractive as the quagmire in Afghanistan deepens and Iran and possibly the situation in Dafur divert international attention from Iraq.

The very least the international community in general and the occupiers in particular must do is to shape a policy that will convince the Iraqi people that it takes full responsibility for its actions and signals a determined willingness to repair and compensate for harm and damage done.

Peace and reconciliation can not be imposed no matter the good intentions behind. How best to do so can only be decided through dialogue with Iraqis at many levels, government and civil society as well as various parties in the region. An invitation from outside and some open-minded ideas for such a dialogue may in and of itself serve as a much needed reconciliatory gesture vis-à-vis the Iraqis and others.



The most relevant and visionary plan at present is American

A few policy attempts at devising a future out of the Iraq disaster have been made. They vary in terms of aim, degree of so-called realism, time perspective and creativity. The plan that has attracted most media attention is the Iraq Study Group. The Group has tried to strike a balance between saving face for the U.S. and improving the situation in the region. It was little more than a less hawkish US Government plan.
In ****e of its stated policy of having a common defence and security policy, members of EU, the European Union, have been split on the Iraq issue during the sanctions years and ever since Germany and France refused to endorse the U.S.-led invasion in 2003. Remarkably, the occupiers had no idea of what to do after their invasion while France and Germany had no idea about an alternative to the invasion. Neither Russia, China, the UN Secretary-General nor anyone else have put forward comprehensive ideas or visions, let alone concrete actions plans, that could promote an international debate on this the most important peace-building project in the world community.

Interestingly, the by far most intellectually satisfying and visionary plan has been developed by Congressman Dennis Kucinich, Democrat from Ohio, and presented to the House of Representatives on February 28, 2007 - H.R. 1234: To end the United States occupation of Iraq immediately. It comes in the wake of Kucinich’s 12 Point Plan for peace in Iraq. (4)

Perhaps unsurprisingly, this genuinely peace-oriented 2008 Presidential candidate – son of a Croatian-American truck driver and a former Mayor of Cleveland - receives little attention in the United States and is virtually unknown in Europe. (5)



Minimum basic criteria for a long-term peace plan

Any future policy for Iraq must satisfy some minimum standards such as:

Adhere to international law, including that neither dictators nor suspected war criminals shall be at large forever.
Include a broader perspective on Iraq as part of the Middle East conflict formation.
Place human beings at its centre: respect, dignity, fairness, reconciliation, human needs and alleviate fear.
Promote substantial demilitarization of Iraq, the region and of the international presence.
Be expressive of a genuine partnership ethos, impartiality and goodwill and thus convince the Iraqis that this is not the occupation coming back in disguise.
Signal such determination, willingness to devote resources and remain helpful for as long it takes to really convince the Iraqis that we do something to their, not our, benefit.
Build on dialogue with all parties including the various resistance groups, and seriously involve civil society in negotiations.
Respect the territorial integrity and sovereignty of the country including its self-evident right to fully control the present and future oil income.
Must be fully compatibility with the normative framework of the UN Charter and a larger international commitment to bring about peace by peaceful means in the Middle East. (6)
An interpretation of the Human Rights Charter and other provisions that permit both crimes by Saddam Hussein’s regime and by the international community to be fully investigated, including the human rights violations caused by twelve years of economic sanctions.




TFF’s 10 point plan for peace in and with Iraq

This plan deliberately uses words such as democracy, peace and reconciliation. It also refers to the Iraqi "government." We are painfully aware that most Iraqis perceive words like these as grossly misused by Western powers and the present government as a "puppet". However, we believe that these words can and should be used in a genuine sense and that "government" refers to a body elected by and for the Iraqi people.



1. Withdraw foreign troops, mercenaries and bases and end the occupation.

Before the invasion Iraq was not hosting and was not influenced by Al-Qaeda or other terrorist organisations. Today’s presence of terrorist movements and other actors resisting the occupation is a main outcome of the U.S. invasion and presence in Iraq since March 2003. By playing various groups against each other, the occupation powers have provoked a civil war-like situation that is not historically typical for Iraq and was not in the cards at the time of the invasion. Sunni and Shia Muslims simply did not have such animosity that the present conflicts and violence would have emerged without the occupation.

As the occupation continues much hurt and harm has been done by Iraqis against other Iraqis; it is likely to take considerable time to heal. The situation has also attracted many kinds of non-Iraqi criminal elements who are not likely to just withdraw to where they came from. As serious as this may be, there is – overall – more reason to believe that the withdrawal of foreign troops will lead to a decrease rather than an increase in violence, particularly if a range of parallel measures is taken as the withdrawal proceeds.

Iraqis are Iraqis first and identify with other categories only after that. Iraq’s history is lined with political violence, coup d’etats, etc., but they have never fought a civil war.

Much however will depend on how the transition from the occupation to a new international mission will be organized.

Why must the foreign bases and private military contractors be withdrawn too? One, they are the physical embodiment of the U.S. presence and interest in the oil. They will likely provoke terrorist attacks and be seen by neighbours as provocative. Third, they were established early as part of the occupation. Finally, they may well be perceived as having been endorsed by the present Iraqi government but it remains seriously disputed how many Iraqis see that present government as anything but a puppet of the U.S.

Finally, something else must be withdrawn: ordnance, mines, depleted uranium and other military waste products. Today’s Iraq is littered with decades of military waste products. Occupation troops have polluted the country to such an extent that there is a major need for military waste clean-up, including serious efforts to clean up after the use of depleted uranium shells and gross destruction by oil spills etc in areas such as historically unique Babylon.



2. Respect Iraq’s sovereignty and territorial integrity and reduce the role of the U.S. Embassy

There are too many simplifying perceptions of Iraq; one is that there are basically three groups and that the Kurds live in the north, the Sunnis in the centre and the Shiites in the south. Such factually incorrect views have led many to contemplate dividing Iraq. One proposal in that direction is the one associated with the Brookings Institution for “soft partition.” (7)

The international contribution to healing Iraq in the future must aim, above all, to heal Iraq as one, not as three. If division comes – and it would come hard and hardly soft – it would be for the Iraqis to decide and agree on. With complexities resembling those of former Yugoslavia to an astonishing degree, no type of non-negotiated division is likely to be peaceful. (8)

Many informed observers see the U.S. embassy as the de facto ruler of today’s Iraq. It’s the largest anywhere in human history, with the same acreage as the Vatican City, costing about US $ 600 million and planned to have a staff of 4 000 of which about half will be security and intelligence. While the Iraqi government may have some freedom of operation, it certainly cannot make important decisions that would militate against Washington’s long-term, fundamental strategic and economic interests. (9)

Fortunately, U.S. politicians have criticised the Embassy and what it signals, echoing this statement in the Los Angeles Times, “They're not leaving Iraq for a long time," said Hashim Hamad Ali, another guard, who called the compound "a symbol of oppression and injustice."



3. Establish an international peacebuilding mission for Iraq under UN leadership

This will not be “just another UN mission”. It will be of a fundamentally new type and expressive of the world community - not the few Western government leaders who refer to themselves as the “international community” - coming together in respectful partnership with the people of Iraq and a new democratic government there. The basic provisions should include:

3.1 A broad-based mission with partners such as e.g. Arab League, OSCE, EU, OIC, AU, GCC, NGOs from everywhere.

3.2 Composition: 15% robust military under UN command as stipulated in the Charter + 25% police + 60% civil affairs and other civilian-humanitarian, all in all perhaps at least 100 000.

3.3 No military personnel from countries that have been occupiers.

3.4 Low percentage of staff from Western-Christian parts of the world.

3.5 A clear and comprehensive mandate.

3.6 Funding secured for at least 5 years at the outset.

3.7 The UN in de facto control with its partners, limited influence by any member state.

Undoubtedly, this will be the largest ever UN+ mission. It must be big enough and structured in ways that it can do the job, but not be so big that the Iraqis will feel that it is a new occupation.

This new thinking is shaped by a conviction that the economic sanctions, dictatorship, earlier wars, the invasion and the occupation combine into a historically unique destruction of the lives and well being of the Iraqi people and their prospects for the future.

The mission therefore focuses mainly on the human socio-psychological, cultural and other “softer” dimensions of the conflict, war and terror. It would involve reconciliation and forgiveness, human healing, neighbourhood re-generation, schooling, health, psychiatric healing – the country has hundreds of thousands of clinically traumatised people, children and youth in particular – and empower civil society in general.

Such a UN mission would strike a new balance between the usual ‘lightweight’ people-oriented elements and the traditional mission ‘heavyweights’ such as the military, law, institution-building, physical re-building, loans and other physical dimensions.

The philosophy is simple: violence grows out of fear, hate, unresolved conflicts, humiliation and of not being heard, etc. As has been seen in dozens of other protracted conflicts, e.g. in Palestine, Afghanistan, Angola, East Timor, former Yugoslavia and Columbia, unless these human root causes of violence are addressed and addressed adequately, there is little chance that the ‘heavyweight’ mission elements will succeed.

All of Iraq’s roughly 26 million citizens are suffering at a scale never experienced in modern times. By 2007, around 2 million are displaced inside the country and over 2 million have fled abroad, predominantly to Syria and Jordan. There is all reason to believe that any future mission must aim first at human and social healing through cooperation, respect, and partnership with the people. And it must embody the values it wants to promote in its structure and code of conduct.

The suggested international mission is “heavy” on the civilian side because it must always be kept in mind that Iraq has lost not one but two generations in terms of education, health and welfare. And it has lost its huge middle class because of the killings, including planned assassinations, the sanctions and the brain drain.

The economic sanctions resulted in there being about 1 million fewer Iraqis alive today than would otherwise be; the war and its aftermath to date have cost several hundred thousand lives. The wars with Iran and Kuwait before it caused unspeakable human loss and other destruction of society and its potentials.

About half of Iraq’s citizens are children and youth under 16. Therefore the regeneration of Iraq must focus very strongly on empowering the young, on rebuilding the institutions of education as well as socio-psychological, mental and physical health inside Iraq.

But special efforts must focus on giving Iraqi youth speedy access to education within Iraq or abroad. Schools and universities abroad should come fore with scholarships and other support while also securing that the Iraqis will actually return at the end of their education and training.

Finally, such a new mission should advise and assist the Iraq government in many urgent matters, e.g. to create two new statuary bodies with autonomous financing and independent boards: a) reconstruction and development council run by Iraqi professionals and technocrats support from the mission and relevant international bodies; b) a national security council that will oversee and coordinate defence, interior affairs, intelligence and national security.



4. Cancel all Iraq’s debt

On July 23, 2007 it was announced that 45 states had decided to cancel US$ 140 billion of Iraq’s debt. (10) According to some sources, this amounts to a complete debt relief as the debt of the country was estimated to be about US$ 130 billion in 2003. As most of it was so-called odious debt created by the Iraqi government before the invasion without the consent of the people, it is only fair that “the Iraqi people shall not pay Saddam’s bills” as the Iraqi Jubilee Now expresses it on its website. This debt forgiveness will benefit the people first but also the whole region as it permits faster Iraqi economic recovery. (11)

A peace plan must secure that these 45 countries actually stand behind their pledges in the future.



5. Compensate Iraq for the sanctions, the war and the occupation

While there are countless articles and analyses of the costs to the United States of the Iraqi war, there are none that estimate the costs to the Iraqi society, i.e. the human, physical, mental and cultural destruction.

The destructiveness and brutality of 30 years of dictatorship, 12 years of history’s most cruel economic sanctions and the occupation over 4 years merits the question: How could those most responsible mitigate at least to a symbolic degree the justified outrage caused by this destruction? This is not about humanitarian aid or development aid or assistance to help Iraqis return to their home country. It is about war and sanctions reparations.

Iraq accepted United Nations Security Council resolution 687, which declared Iraq's financial liability for damage caused in its invasion of Kuwait. Subsequently, the United Nations Compensation Commission, UNCC, was established, and US$ 350 billion in claims were filed by governments, corporations, and individuals. Funds for these payments came from a 30% share of Iraq's oil revenues from the oil for food program.

A similar arrangement should be made now for those who have wrought death and destruction on Iraq and its people for so many years. The U.S. and the U.K. in particular should accept their special, heavy liability for the destruction of Iraq. This can – but must not - be calculated in details through claims from Iraq; that would require a huge bureaucracy and years of work. Instead, it would serve reconciliation and forgiveness greatly if the occupying countries voluntarily offered war reparations to Iraq as a one-time lump sum in the order of US$ 250-500 billion.



6. Secure that Iraq regains full sovereignty over its oil resources and receives 100% of the revenues

Oil is the sine qua non of Iraq’s development. It is the most important resource which, if well-managed, can secure the long-term survival and well-being of the country and its people. This requires that Iraq re-gains complete sovereignty over its oil resources and that the revenues from the oil export go back, without any deductions, to Iraq. It should be respected by all, of course if a future, truly democratically elected, Iraqi government voluntarily chooses to enter into other arrangements in this sphere.

Regaining this sovereignty over its one existentially important resources requires the declaration as null and void of whatever “agreements” that were imposed by the American administration installed after March 2003 as well as the new Iraqi oil law. (12)



7. Make the Middle East as a Zone free of Weapons of Mass Destruction

It is far too often forgotten that both the UN Security Council and General Assembly had long ago insisted that the Middle East shall be a zone free of weapons of mass destruction; media, politicians, and experts conveniently forget the fact that Israel is a major nuclear power since decades back. (13)

It has always been and remains untenable and unfair to have, as the West does, a double-principled policy: one for Israel and one for other countries in the region. It is simply not credible and never was and it does not enhance the security of Israel itself since Israel’s nuclear weapons is the single most important argument for others to acquire exactly the same prestige position. Thus, everybody – the region itself and the world – would be a far safer place if the UN resolutions were respected. Therefore, a region-wide dismantling of nuclear and other WMD facilities, with an appropriate monitoring and inspection regime, should be implemented (see further point 10).




8. Establish a Truth and Reconciliation Process, public apology accompanied by dialogue and forgiveness

The socio-psychological violence suffered by millions of Iraqis tends to get lost in the media and public debate because it is invisible compared with the magnitude of the physical destruction. The need for healing among the Iraqis and between the Iraqis and those countries that have done such harm to their lives and society simply cannot be overestimated. In addition, the millions who suffer psychologically for instance from clinical traumatisation have a human right to receive help. Their problems may fuel future violence and immense hatred if not addressed massively with the best human expertise available.

Iraq, like many other protracted conflicts will need a process – and possibly a Commission or some other appropriate institutional arrangement – to secure that the larger truths about its contemporary history can be revealed, recorded and victims thereby receive some measure of recognition and sympathy.

If there were a Western leader who would have the civil courage to publicly express his regrets over – even apologise for - the terrible destruction wrought on the Iraqi people and would address it directly to them, it would undoubtedly be a major step in the direction of reconciliation and forgiveness. It would take out at least some of the argument of future terrorism against the West.

We can not expect the Iraqis and others in the Middle East to forgive anyone for the sanctions and for the years of occupation without being invited and encouraged to do so by at least one of the wrong-doers. There are many cases in human history where statesmen’s regrets and apologies have invited victims to forgive and thereby opened the road to a better future and co-operation. Such cases must be studied and lessons learned for the case of Iraq.

Finally there is cultural reconciliation. It will not come about until the unique treasures of Iraq’s museums and historical sites are delivered back. They are essential for the history and identity of the Iraqis but also for the entire Western culture. Stealing them and bombing mosques and monuments is a way of depriving people of their identity and dignity.



9. Organize people-to-people co-operation and civil society exchanges

Governments alone cannot do good what they have done wrong. It is imperative that opportunities for people-to-people co-operation be investigated and new ways tried. Qualified doctors, nurses, psychologists, social workers, engineers, etc. from outside should be provided opportunities to work in Iraq when the new type of UN-lead mission is in place. Scholarships must be provided for young Iraqis who have lost so many years because of the sanctions and the war – but also for Western students and civil society organisations to go and work in Iraq with Iraqis. After the Second World War, international work brigades were organized to help re-build Yugoslavia. Something similar could be arranged for Iraq – it would get work done where many helping hands are needed and there would be no more convincing way to convey that the outside wants peace with Iraq and its people.

As a first step, before security so permits, a lot of virtual means could be used to promote people-to-people understanding. YouTube, MySpace, Facebook and Internet TV could be brought to intensive use and e-learning opportunities – but funds must be made available for entrepreneurial young people to provide professional spaces for such human exchanges and mutual learning.



10. Organize a long-term regional conference working toward a comprehensive settlement for the entire region, including its two core conflicts – Iraq/the West and that Palestine/Israel

The Middle East is already one of the most militarized regions in the world. The Bush administration’s $ 60 billion plan for arming selected countries against the alleged threat from Iran is once again based on a complete misconception of how to create peace and stability. The EU, Russia and other parties including the international public should voice their strong opposition to this initiative.

The most relevant initiative for peace that could be taken under UN auspices would be to convene a regional conference – with governments, regional organizations and civil society organisations together – on peace, security, and development in the Middle East.

It must be all-inclusive, not close the door on any actors. It would be multi-dimensional and deal with both development, security, law and human rights, peace and reconciliation in integrated ways.

It could be modelled upon the historically important OSCE process from the mid-1970es that was so instrumental in dismantling the Cold War blocs.

Its goals should include:

adopting a mutual non-aggression declaration together with all participating governments;
the re-confirmation to establish a zone free of weapons of mass destruction in the region in adherence to UN Security Council resolution 687/1991;
adopting a convention on civil, human and minority rights for all in the region, perhaps with a supreme court or tribunal with enforcement power;
agreeing that all nuclear energy programs should be internationally monitored;
agreeing to destroy the existing stockpiles of WMD and removal of dangerous ordnance under international supervision;
arranging for the elimination of any foreign military presence in the region;
discussing an OSCE- and EU-inspired vision for the whole region.


A final consideration: Professional conflict resolution methods
While all these issues are important, the fundamental importance of professional conflict-resolution methods must be emphasized. (14)

A responsible diplomatic process must be built around a mediating country or organization or group of individuals – or a combination of them - who have comprehensive area expertise as well as experience and knowledge of conflict analysis, mediation techniques and nonviolent conflict resolution, a mediating facility that can be perceived as truly impartial and able to empathize with all sides. And no mediator will succeed unless spe******ts with expertise and experience in such methods are included in the advisory team.

The present situation in Iraq, Palestine and other parts of the Middle East is simply undeserving for the people there but, in particular, it is unworthy of an enlightened global community.

This Peace Proposal should be seen as an encouragement, indeed as a moral appeal, to think constructively about how to create peace in and with Iraq and the wider Middle East. It has been developed on the basis of a firm belief that peace is possible. But equally strong is its underlying assumption that peace can be achieved only if all actors – governments, international organizations and civil society - are willing to leave old approaches and methods behind and do things in new ways.



Matrix: Iraq Peace Plan

Element Timeline Parties Support Financing
1. Ending occupation immediate,
6 months US & Coalition partners Iraqi government, UN a.o. US & Coalition partners
2. UN-led peace-building mission immediate, following troop withdrawal UNGA, SC-SG UN member countries UN members
3. Cancellation
of debts immediate,
12 months all creditors IMF & UN creditor countries
4. Compensation (sanctions, war and occupation) immediate,
36 months US & UK &
lesser perpetrators UN Compensation Commissions US & UK &
lesser perpetrators
5. Civil society
co-operation immediate
36 months global peace NGOs UN Secretariat International organisations and peace NGOs
6. Oil law: Ownership and sovereignty immediate Iraqi
parliament OPEC? Iraq
7. Truth & Reconciliation Commission (Nat/International) immediate
36 months i) National:
Iraq Parliament + Supreme Court + civil society
ii)International: all parties
UN/Arab League, OIC + emminent people National: Iraq
International: UN members
8. Regional peace conference preparations/start
immediately Middle Eastern countries* UN Secretariat UN member countries**



* A Solidarity Contribution would be added to the annual assessed UN contribution. This Solidarity Fund would be managed by the UN Secrtariat.

** Out of the mentioned Solidarity Fund.