Thread: Iraq/Dinar News. 09/05 to 01/14/07

Sources in Baghdad confirm the appointment of Admiral Falun succeeding Abu Zeid

(Voice of Iraq) - 05-01-2007 ارسل هذا الموضوع لصديق

Sources in Baghdad confirm the appointment of Admiral Falun succeeding Abu Zeid
Baghdad / Nina / Well-informed sources in Baghdad said that Admiral William Falun succeed John Abizaid in his post as commander of the American forces in the Central Command

For the first time, a real blueprint for peace in Iraq
By Ali Allawi, former Iraqi Defence Minister
Published: 05 January 2007

The Iraqi state that was formed in the aftermath of the First World War has come to an end. Its successor state is struggling to be born in an environment of crises and chaos. The collapse of the entire order in the Middle East now threatens as the Iraq imbroglio unleashes forces in the area that have been gathering in virulence over the past decades.

It took the American-led invasion and occupation of Iraq, and the mismanagement of the country by both the Coalition Provisional Administration and subsequent Iraqi governments, to bring matters to this dire situation.

What was supposed to be a straightforward process of overthrowing a dictatorship and replacing it with a liberal-leaning and secular democracy under the benign tutelage of the United States, has instead turned into an existential battle for identity, power and legitimacy that is affecting not only Iraq, but the entire tottering state system in the Middle East.

The Iraq war is a global predicament of the first order and its resolution will influence the course of events in the Middle East and beyond for a considerable time. What we are witnessing in Iraq is the beginning of the unravelling of the unjust and unstable system that was carved out of the wreckage of the Ottoman Empire. It had held for nearly 100 years by a mixture of foreign occupation,outside meddling, brutal dictatorships and minority rule.

At the same time, it signally failed in providing a permanent sense of legitimacy to its power, engaged its citizens in their governance, or provided a modicum of well-being and a decent standard of existence for its people.

The Key Challenges

The nature and scope of the Iraq crisis can be encapsulated in the emergence of four vital issues that have challenged the entire project for remaking the Iraq state. In one form or another, these forces also affect the countries of the Arab Middle East, as well as Turkey and Iran, and the relationships between all of them.

Firstly, the invasion of Iraq tipped the scales in favour of the Shia, who are now determined to emerge as the governing majority after decades, if not centuries, of perceived disempowerment and oppression. The consequences of this historic shift inside Iraq and elsewhere in the Middle East are incalculable.

Secondly, the invasion of Iraq legitimised the semi-independent region that Iraq's Kurds had forged over the past decade. The Kurds whose rights to self-determination were acknowledged in the 1920 Sevres Treaty, and then subsequently ignored by the states of the post-Ottoman Middle East, have received an enormous fillip in their march towards recognition of their unique status.

What is still left to be decided is the geographic extent of the Kurdish region in Iraq, and whether it would have proprietary access to the resources of that area. This may prove a way station to the beginnings of the formation of a Kurdish state. The challenges that will pose to the integrity and self-definition of Turkey, Iran and Syria now or in the future is another formidable side effect of the overthrow of the old Baathist state.

Thirdly, the uneven, poorly prepared and messy introduction in Iraq of democratic norms for elections, constitution-writing and governance structures is a stark break with the authoritarian and dictatorial systems that have prevailed in the Middle East. While the Iraqi experiment has so far been marred by violence, irregularities and manipulation, it is quite likely to survive as the mechanism through which governments will be chosen in the future.

Lastly, the overthrow of Saddam coincided with the attempts by Iran to assert its influence and to gain entry into regional counsels. That has exercised a number of countries in the area no end, giving rise to alarmist warnings of Iranian hegemonistic designs and "Shia crescents". The responses that are being planned for the perceived threat are terrifying in their implications, with scant attention paid to their consequences to the peace and stability of the area.

Iraq was used as a foil to revolutionary Iran during the Iran-Iraq war, with devastating consequences for both. We are witnessing a possible reprise, the consequence of which, if the new warmongers get their way, will be catastrophic for it will go to the heart of the fragile societies of the Middle East. Shia will be pitted against Sunni not only in Iraq but in Lebanon, and the Gulf countries.

Dangers of Sunni Insurgency

In the sterile world of zero-sum politics, the loss of power of the Sunni Arab community in Iraq was soon translated into a raging insurgency that challenged not only the US occupation but also the new political dispensation.

The insurgency fed on the deep resentment Sunni Arabs felt to their loss of power and prestige. It has been aggravated by the fact it was a totally unexpected force that achieved the impossible- the dethronement of the community from centuries of power in favour of, as they saw it, a rabble led by Persianate clerics. The Sunni Arabs' refusal to countenance any serious engagement with the new political order had effectively pushed them into a cul-de-sac and has played into the hands of their most determined enemies.

The state is now moving inexorably under the control of the Shia Islamists, albeit with a supporting role for the Kurds. The boundaries of Shia-controlled Baghdad are moving ever westwards so that the capital itself may fall entirely under the sway of the Shia militias.

The only thing stopping that is the deployment of American troops to block the entry of the Shia militias in force into these mixed or Sunni neighbourhoods. The geographic space outside Baghdad in which the insurgency can flourish will persist but the country will be inevitably divided. Under such circumstances, the power of the Shia's demographic advantage can only be counter-balanced by the Sunni Arabs' recourse to support from the neighbouring Arab states. It is inconceivable that such an outcome can possibly lead to a stable Iraqi state unless one side or another vanquishes its opponent or if the country is divided into separate states.

Impact of Shia Ascendancy

The response to these existential challenges emanating from the invasion of Iraq, both inside Iraq and in the Arab world has been panic-stricken or fearful, and potentially disastrous to the stability in the area and the prospects for its inhabitants.

The Arab countries of the Middle East have been unable to adjust to events in Iraq, not so much because of the contagion effect of the changes that have taken place there. This had virtually disappeared as Iraq cannot be seen as model for anything worth emulating. It has less to do with the instability that might spill over from the violence in the country. It is more to do with accommodating an unknown quantity into a system that can barely acknowledge pluralism and democracy, let alone a Shia ascendancy in Iraq.

Egypt, Saudi Arabia and Jordan, linchpins of the American security order in the Arab world, cannot accept the principle of a Shia-dominated Iraq, each for its own reasons. They will do their utmost to thwart such a possibility, and failing that, will probably try to isolate such an entity from regional counsels

Implications for Middle East

It is this with this backdrop that solutions are being proffered to resolve the Iraqi crisis. However, rather than treat the problem in a much wider context, each party is determined to stake out its narrow position irrespective of its effects on other communities, groups and countries.

The seeds of another 100 years of crisis are being sown, with the Middle East consigned to decades of turbulence and the persistence of unmitigated hatreds and grudges. The most serious issue that is emerging is the exacerbation of sectarian differences between Shia and Sunni. That is a profoundly dangerous issue for it affects not only Iraq but also Saudi Arabia, Syria, Lebanon and the Gulf countries.

It is plausible that the cost of a Shia ascendancy in Iraq, if it is marked as such, will be further pressure on the vulnerable Shia communities in the Gulf countries. There is already the rekindling of anti-Shia rhetoric in a remarkably similar rerun to the pattern that accompanied the Saudi-led campaign to contain the Iranian revolution in the 1980s. The effect of that was the rise of the jihadi culture that was the harbinger of mass terrorism and suicide bombings.

This may drag the entire area into war or even the forced movement of people as fearful countries seek to "quarantine" or expel their Shia population.

The Solution

It requires genuine vision and statesmanship to pull the Middle East from its death spiral. The elements of a possible solution are there if the will exists to postulate an alternative to the politics of fear, bigotry and hatred.

The first step must be the recognition that the solution to the Iraq crisis must be generated first internally, and then, importantly, at the regional level. The two are linked and the successful resolution of one would lead to the other.

No foreign power, no matter how benevolent, should be allowed to dictate the terms of a possible historic and stable settlement in the Middle East. No other region of the world would tolerate such a wanton interference in its affairs.

That is not to say that due consideration should not be given to the legitimate interests of the great powers in the area, but the future of the area should not be held hostage to their designs and exclusive interests.

Secondly, the basis of a settlement must take into account the fact that the forces that have been unleashed by the invasion of Iraq must be acknowledged and accommodated. These forces, in turn, must accept limits to their demands and claims. That would apply, in particular, to the Shias and the Kurds, the two communities who have been seen to have gained from the invasion of Iraq.

Thirdly, the Sunni Arab community must become convinced that its loss of undivided power will not lead to marginalisation and discrimination. A mechanism must be found to allow the Sunni Arabs to monitor and regulate and, if need be, correct, any signs of discrimination that may emerge in the new Iraqi state.

Fourthly, the existing states surrounding Iraq feel deeply threatened by the changes there. That needs to be recognised and treated in any lasting deal for Iraq and the area.

A way has to be found for introducing Iran and Turkey into a new security structure for the Middle East that would take into account their legitimate concerns, fears and interests. It is far better that these countries are seen to be part of a stable order for the area rather than as outsiders who need to be confronted and challenged.

The Iraqi government that has arisen as a result of the admittedly flawed political process must be accepted as a sovereign and responsible government. No settlement can possibly succeed if its starting point is the illegitimacy of the Iraqi government or one that considers it expendable.

A Brighter Future

The end state of this process would be three interlinked outcomes. The first would be a decentralised Iraqi state with new regional governing authorities with wide powers and resources.

Devolution of power must be fair, well planned, and executed with equitable revenue-distribution. Federal institutions would have to act as adjudicators between regions. Security must be decentralised until such time as confidence between the communities is re-established.

The second essential outcome would be a treaty that would establish a confederation or constellation of states of the Middle East, initially including Iraq, Syria, Lebanon, and Jordan. The main aim of the confederation would be to establish a number of conventions and supra-regional bodies that would have the effect of acting as guarantors of civil, minority and community rights.

The existence of such institutions can go a long way towards removing the anxiety disadvantaged groups feel when confronted with the radical changes sweeping the area. The gradual build up of such supra-national institutions in the proposed confederation may also expand to cover an increased degree of economic integration and harmonisation.

That may include a regional development body which would help establish and fund common energy and infrastructure policies. Lastly, an indispensable end outcome is a regional security pact that would group the countries of the Arab Middle East with Iran and Turkey, at first in some form of anti-terrorism pact, but later a broader framework for discussing and resolving major security issues that impinge on the area as a whole.

That would also provide the forum for combating the spread of virulent ideologies and sectarian hatreds and provide the basis for peacefully containing and resolving the alarm that some countries feel from the apparent expansion of Iranian influence in the area.

The Importance of the US

It was the US that launched this phase of the interminable Middle East crisis, by invading Iraq and assuming direct authority over it. Whatever project it had for Iraq has vanished, a victim of inappropriate or incoherent policies, and the violent upending of Iraq's power structures.

Nevertheless, the US is still the most powerful actor in the Iraq crisis, and its decisions can sway the direction and the manner in which events could unfold.

In other areas of the world, the US has used its immense influence and power to cement regional security and economic associations. There is no reason why the regional associations being mooted in conjunction with a decentralised Iraqi state, could not play an equally important part in resolving the Iraqi crisis and dispersing the dangerous clouds threatening the region.

The Iraqi proposals

1 Iraq government calls for regional security conference including Iraq's neighbours to produce an agreement/treaty on non-intervention and combating terrorism. Signatory states will be responsible to set of markers for commitments.

Purpose: To reduce/eliminate neighbouring countries' support for insurgents, terrorists and militias.

2 Iraq government calls for preparatory conference on a Middle-Eastern Confederation of States that will examine proposals on economic, trade and investment union. Proposals will be presented for a convention on civil, human and minority rights in the Near East, with a supreme court/tribunal with enforcement powers.

Purpose: To increase regional economic integration and provide minorities in signatory countries with supra-national protection.
3 Iraq government calls for an international conference on Iraq that would include Iraq, its regional neighbours, Egypt, the UAE, the US, UK, France, Germany, Russia and China that would aim to produce a treaty guaranteeing:

a. Iraq's frontiers.
b. The broad principles of Iraq's constitutional arrangements.
c. Establishing international force to replace the multi-national force over 12 to 18 months. Appointing international co-ordinator to oversee treaty implementation.

Purpose: To arrange for the gradual and orderly withdrawal of American troops, ensure that Iraq develops along constitutional lines, confirm Iraq and its neighbours' common frontiers.

4 Iraq government will introduce changes to government by creating two statuary bodies with autonomous financing and independent boards:

a. A reconstruction and development council run by Iraqi professionals and technocrats with World Bank/UN support.
b. A security council which will oversee professional ministries of defence, interior, intelligence and national security.

Purpose: To remove the reconstruction and development programme from incompetent hands and transfer them to an apolitical, professional and independent body. Also to remove the oversight, command and control over the security ministries from politicised party control to an independent, professional and accountable body.

5 The entire peace plan, its preamble and its details must be put before the Iraqi parliament for its approval.

Independent Online Edition > Middle East

Security developments in Iraq on Friday

(صوت العراق) - 05-01-2007(Voice of Iraq) - 05-01-2007
ارسل هذا الموضوع لصديقThis issue was sent to a friend

التطورات الامنية في العراق يوم الجمعةSecurity developments in Iraq on Friday
Fri Jan 5, 2007Shut Jan 5, 2007
Printer FriendlyPrinter Friendly
(رويترز) - يما يلي التطورات الامنية التي أعلن عنها في العراق يوم الجمعة حتى الساعة 0815 بتوقيت جرينتش:(Reuters) - Lima following security developments announced in Iraq until Friday at 0815 GMT :

بغداد - قال الجيش الامريكي يوم الجمعة ان قوات عراقية خاصة مدعومة بمستشارين عسكريين أمريكيين ألقت القبض على أربعة يشتبه في انهم زعماء خلية تقوم بأعمال خطف وقتل في مدينة الصدر في بغداد يوم الاربعاء. ومدينة الصدر معقل لجيش المهدي وهو ميليشيا شيعية. وافاد البيان الامريكي أن المشتبه بهم يعتقد كذلك انهم المسؤولون عن هجمات بقذائف المورتر. واعتقل ثلاثة اخرون لاستجوابهم.Baghdad-American army said on Friday that the Iraqi special forces backed by American military advisers had arrested four people suspected of being the work of the cell leaders kidnapped and killed in Sadr City in Baghdad on Wednesday. The Sadr City stronghold of the Mahdi Army militia of a Shiite. According to the American statement that the suspects were also believed to be responsible for the mortar shell attacks. Three others were arrested for questioning.

بيجي - قالت مصادر من الجيش ان قنبلة على جانب طريق انفجرت قرب دورية للجيش العراق مما اسفر عن مقتل ضابط واصابة أربعة جنود بجروح في مدينة بيجي على مسافة 180 كيلومترا شمالي بغداد.Beiji-army sources said that a bomb exploded on the sidewalk near the Iraqi army patrol, killing an officer and wounding four soldiers were injured in Baiji, 180 km north of Baghdad.

الرياض - قالت مصادر من الجيش ان القوات المسلحة العراقية قتلت اثنين من المسلحين في بلدة الرياض على مسافة 60 كيلومترا جنوب غربي كركوك.Riyadh-army sources said that the Iraqi armed forces killed two gunmen in the town of Riyadh, 60 kilometers south-west of Kirkuk.

الضلوعية - قالت الشرطة ان مسلحين هاجموا نقطة تفتيش تابعة للجيش العراقي وقتلوا اربعة جنود وجرحوا اثنين في القطاع الشمالي من الضلوعية على مسافة 70 كيلومترا شمالي بغداد.Dolo'iya-Police said gunmen attacked a checkpoint of the Iraqi army and killed four soldiers and wounded two in the northern sector of Ad Duluiyah 70 kilometers north of Baghdad.

الاسكندرية - قالت الشرطة ان مسلحين قتلوا عضوا سابقا في حزب البعث وابنه داخل منزله في بلدة الاسكندرية على مسافة 40 كيلومترا جنوبي بغداد.Alexandria-Police said gunmen killed a former member of the Baath party, and his son inside his house in Alexandria, 40 kilometers south of Baghdad.

الاسكندرية - قالت الشرطة انها عثرت على ثلاث جثث بها آثار تعذيب وجروح من اعيرة نارية في الاسكندرية.Alexandria-Police said they found the three bodies bearing torture and wounds from shots in Alexandria.

كركوك - قالت الشرطة ان قنبلة على جانب طريق تستهدف دورية للشرطة أصابت اثنين من رجال الشرطة بجروح من بينهما ضابط برتبة رائد وهو في حالة خطيرة في مدينة كركوك الشمالية.Kirkuk-Police said that the bomb on the road targeted a police patrol wounding two policemen injured, an officer of the rank of leading them in a serious condition in the northern city of Kirkuk.

Published: 04/01/2007 12:00 AM (UAE)

Illustration by Nino Jose Heredia/Gulf News




Iraq, the nation, should prevail
By Mohammad Abdullah Al Mutawa, Special to Gulf News



The execution of former Iraqi president Saddam Hussain on the first day of Eid Al Adha, the feast of sacrifice, was hurtful for Muslims throughout the world. How painful it is to offer a man as a sacrifice or a scapegoat to satisfy a superpower!

As a leader, Saddam believed that alliance with superpowers was the only way to climb to the apex of the political pyramid in a country which is divided by various ethnic, religious and political differences and is used by local and international powers as a battlefield for exerting their influence.

Saddam, who came from a poor agrarian background, espoused the cause of social equality for all Iraqis. However, Iraq is known for its tribal history and deep-rooted social structure and it is difficult to end the class system in such a society.

Saddam's execution was carried out rapidly without giving a thought to the reactions of the people. It was meant to close many dossiers related to the region's history and to draw curtains on many issues related to coups and revolutions that took place in the Arab region in the past half century.

It also aimed to close all dossiers concerning the Cold War era, when the two superpowers were competing to lure Third World countries, especially oil producing countries such as Iraq and Iran.

As a result, new alliances and powers emerged and the common man became a pawn in the game of power politics. Ruling regimes in Afghanistan, Iraq and other countries in the Third World played a role in suppressing their peoples. Millions of people migrated to the West, looking for safe shelter, stability and justice. They came from different geographic, ideological and religious backgrounds, including Islamists, communists and nationalists.

The common man is the victim of oppression and always pays the price. So, it was not a surprise that many attempts were made to undermine any project that was aimed to turn Iraq into a model of development.

Iraq is rich with natural and human resources required to achieve comprehensive development, yet this was not achieved, partly because of Cold War politics and Saddam's monopoly of power.

The problem is that some leaders of the Third World countries did not comprehend the changes that took place after the collapse of the Soviet Union and the Berlin Wall in early 1990s. On the contrary, some leaders, including Saddam, stuck to their old ways of functioning. They did not realise that their terror and fear-based republics had turned against them.

Contempt and cruelty

It was obvious that Saddam, the dictator, who lost his sense of direction became a victim of his power.

Saddam acted as if he had no feelings for his people and treated them with contempt and cruelty. In this, he was helped by his security services which played a significant role in enforcing his dictatorship. His corrupt elite also played a role in establishing the republic of terror.

The beginning of Saddam's end was the invasion and occupation of Kuwait. He did not learn from this grave mistake and continued with his self-destructive approach.

Saddam was the first to be affected by his Baathist regime and although sincere Arab leaders tried to save him from his ill fate, he refused their help. All these were signs of Saddam approaching his definite death.

The late Shaikh Zayed Bin Sultan Al Nahyan asked Saddam to step down before the American invasion of Iraq, but he refused to do so, as if he had already chosen his end.

Saddam's execution, however, marked the end of his era, but the important question to be raised now is: What after his execution?

His execution triggered mixed reactions as some were sad and others were happy. But what is more important is that Iraq, the nation, should prevail and national interest must be placed above all considerations.

Iraqis must be aware of the grave consequences of a civil war. They should block the way for those who are trying to drag them into an internecine conflict that will result in the end for all of them.

The responsibility of Iraqis is to safeguard their country's stability, safety and rich civilisation spanning thousands of years. They must understand that their deep-rooted history and civilisation were built on the basis of ethnic and religious diversity. Iraqis of various sectarian and ethnic backgrounds have been living together for thousands of years.

Those who read history and perceive the future know that Iraq will not see stability and will not be liberated if its people resort to violence and sectarianism.

Sectarianism is a sword that is held at the necks of all Iraqis and is certainly stronger and more dangerous than the sword of the US occupation.



Dr Mohammad Abdullah Al Mutawa is Professor of Sociology at the UAE University, Al Ain.

The Iraqi dinar and floating the dollar in the structure of the national economy
January 05, 2007

Thus the rolling Iraqi Monetary (nominal value) specified by the law has become a criterion for exchange transactions, withdrawal and the international circulation according to system Gold rule; although, it was related to the British pound before the revolution of July 14th, 1958, especially in terms of credit and foreign transfers, as it has a metal cover coupled with stability. After the liberation of Iraq from the ring of the (sterling Pound), the Iraqi dinar remained as a cash unit (with real value) standing on its own compared to international rates.


In spite of the many shocks that hit the developing country in conditions of political and economic changes led to the dangerous decline of many of those currencies, like what happened between Iraq and its neighbor Iran in 1980 until 1988 of a devastating war sapped the human energies and infrastructure of both countries, the Iraqi dinar was not affected much and managed to keep its true value and relative stability throughout the war period. But after the government took the wrong procedure of issuing millions of dinars of the 25 note, the Iraqi dinar had become no more than a (commercial paper) in its (nominal value) and this sinister phenomenon which was the result of the misconduct of the government, then, paved the way for the American dollar to monopolize the Iraqi market. Since then, the Iraqi dinar remained incurably ill because the performance evaluation of the Iraqi monetary, particularly in the year 1994 after the penetration of the dollar, revealed that the dinar had no real value as an Iraqi exchange measuring unit against the dollar, despite the fact that Iraq has enormous oil wealth more than any country in the world, especially European countries, in terms of trade credit and cash deal.


The American dollar monopolized the Iraqi economic policy and the dinar has not been able to stand up to it after the removal of the former regime and the loss of control by the State over its economic and commercial structures. How will the Iraqi currency be stabile when it is represented by the ill dinar which can not be cured as long as the floating dollar overwhelms the whole Iraqi market; the Iraqi seller and the buyer deal only by it. Who is responsible for this decline?


A question put before the Ministry of Finance, as the Minister stated previously on the need for (evaluating the Iraqi dinar) and called for its activation against the American dollar. Will the Iraqi parliament seek to lay the evaluation foundations of a new monetary unit all over again? Or will the dinar remain weak against the dollar? And to what level will the Iraqi economy deteriorate if its spinal column, represented by the dinar, can not withstand to be straight up any more?(Source)AlSabah

Um! I think they know what to do.

Iraq won the prize for best international financial review program for the restructuring of 2006.
.Where Iraq ended in an efficient and prompt restructuring of $ 20 billion of its debt to commercial creditors.
.It came off from the criticism of the claimants, bonds, loans consistent with the framework set by the Paris Club and by issuing a new bond normative process run by the City Krupp Je me Morgan.


ÔÈßÉ ÇáÒæÑÇÁ ÇáÃÚáÇãíÉ - ÇáÚÑÇÞ íÝæÒ ßÃÝÖá ÈÑäÇãÌ áÇÚÇÏÉ ÇáåíßáÉ ááÚÇã 2006

قريباIraq poses a tender to sell Kirkuk oil soon

Sources said yesterday, Thursday, that is expected to put Iraq in the next few days a tender to sell Kirkuk oil will be the first few months after stockpiles in Turkey exceeded four million barrels.
.The source said that the transportation industry Kirkuk crude stocks in the Turkish port of Ceyhan rose to 4,4 million barrels after the resumption of pumping through the pipeline from Iraq in January before the first stop on the third of January. Stocks and reach four million barrels per day enough to put the Iraqi oil marketing company SOMO «» tender for the sale quantity.
».The industry source said that «the level of stocks hit four million barrels for the bidding ... Put probably on Monday to four million barrels a full ».
2003.Exports of Kirkuk crude intermittently disrupted as subversive attacks and the problems of a technical line most of the time since the invasion of Iraq that was led by the United States in March 2003.
وقال.The source said that the transportation industry is expected to resume pumping oil through the pipeline after a problem was not disclosed in blocking the third day of January.
».He said «first started pumping in January at 2150 local time» «They stopped on the third of January at 0330, ... «Iraqi officials said they would hold» pumping very soon once repairing the problem ».
.When impaired pipeline to Ceyhan is the only export outlet for Iraqi oil through the port of Basra in the south.
.Iraq put five bids from June to September during which he sold 6,9 million barrels of Kirkuk oil.
ÔÈßÉ ÇáÒæÑÇÁ ÇáÃÚáÇãíÉ - ÇáÚÑÇÞ íØÑÍ ÚØÇÁ áÈíÚ äÝØ ßÑßæß ÞÑíÈÇ

The prime minister's statement -

(Voice of Iraq) - 05-01-2007
This issue was sent to a friend

Friday, January 5, 2007

Statement


The Office of the Prime Minister, Mr. Nouri Kamel al-Maliki : Articles in the statement of the Association of Muslim Scholars, absolutely incorrect and is a deliberate subversion and bear the full responsibility for all the work on the issue this excitement.
The Presidency of the Council of Ministers

Originally Posted by kiko

[B]

But Mr Barzani is confident that if it came under Kurdish control, Kirkuk could be secured in a matter of months.

"After the referendum the situation will be totally different. We need some time, maybe one year. We are sure about that, we can bring back security to the area."

I have no doubt the Kurds could do this. But, Maliki in charge of the military like he wants? Now that's a scary thought.

Expanded meeting of the Party of Turkmenistan resolution

(Voice of Iraq) - 05-01-2007
This issue was sent to a friend

D. Farouk : out of the Congo must criticize ourselves.
On January 3, 2007 chaired by Dr. Farouk Abdella slave to Rahman chairman of the party, political advisor to the Prime Minister meeting, which was attended by members of the Political Bureau and the Executive Committee of the party and a large number of members has touched sovereignty to the station, where he arrived the party thanks to the efforts of the good people and to the reality of the case Turkmen and Turkmen position of Article 140 and its implications.

He began by saying :
After more than a year we have to revisit ourselves to know what we have, what are the negative attitudes or wrong in the march of the party and know the strategies that serve the cause. The reaction since the first steps of the party's name and logo issue about how we achieve the goal. Out of democracy must criticize ourselves and what we must do everything in his position and within a particular service to our nationalism.

In the early days of the slowdown noticed some members, and we have always said that number is not important, if the reason for the withdrawal because of fear of their livelihood or for spare-time Another reason is the fear of work in the middle because of political or indifference to the central ... All of this was in the crucible not circumvent its opinion Turkmen issue.

Our Party ideology is certain objectives to serve the people and everyone equal before the party, at the same time are not felt only sadness of the people that lived sadness Therefore, the party resolution stems from the idea of collective action to move toward the goal. In the battle of Liberation ((Kortulloch)), despite our mothers carrying missiles Rqethen ably Isalha not to the soldiers. So we must all bear the responsibility of the commander is assigned to the campaign.

Having matured these ideas in the minds of our strugglers we presented to the public Turkmenistan. The long party meetings to this day. But if we referred to ourselves to find out that there mistakes but the intention net, we need to address, because everyone exhibition of the error and when we errors to our public that we can find the right course through free democratic debate

Therefore we thought that we hold seminars continuous, focused and leave that decision to you and to what extent will affect our party and the correct orientation stems from within the party itself, if you could make progress Vallacher model you Therefore, we have to diagnose and correct the defect sites because we believe the sincere belief, and this is what is required of the party to assess each and every one of you work and guided towards the path best
Therefore, we carry out preparations for the Congress before the passage of the Law on political parties and elections, before the provincial council has taken a decision to distribute members of special committees preparations for the next Conference.
It seemed known journalist Qasim Sari Chih intervention on the stages of the application of Article 140 and the extent of benefit from paragraph 30 of the report of Baker and Hamilton steps to be taken to the delivery of Turkmen worry about Kirkuk to the parties concerned.
He sovereignty :

That the implementation of article 140 in the would-be Iraqi constitution at the present time will lead to a crisis in the security conditions and the escalation of violence in the city and was invited sovereignty Iraqi political to the obligation of the principle of quiet dialogue and construction to protect the citizens of the city of Kirkuk from security problems that might fall out by the city explaining that the report of Baker Hamilton stressed the necessity of the postponement of the implementation of article 140, which he described been attached to of gunpowder and pointed out that the state administration law which developed during the period Governing Council in the interim Iraqi government, which had been set up following the fall of the previous regime hawks singled the city two paragraphs later namely (53 and 58) and added sovereignty Under article 53, the granting of the city of Kirkuk special characteristics, The second paragraph 58 They the Special by normalized conditions in the disputed areas, he said, pointing out that when he wrote the Constitution last year neglected paragraph 53.

In a further statement to a member : They say that any party can not continue only with private financing. How can your party lasted a year and a half without funding?

He answered : You sovereignty on the scene and since you laid diligently and faithfully Ermonkm all distort the facts and when you challenge that you continue to walk towards a goal that is not in Jabtkm no evidence so therefore would not be able to frustrate your work, as long as mutual confidence between you and the party. This is an honor for us that we are proceeding towards the financing of our fervent.

Then the lawyer Muhammad Ali Kirdar deputy chairman of the party on the role of Dr. Farouk increase in the case of Turkmenistan, and the delivery of voice outside the country, in America and the Arab League, Jordan and Italy, Teh efficiency and being a prominent figure in the middle of Turkmenistan selected members of the supreme body of reconciliation and national dialogue.

Then the professor Abdul Ameer Kulander official Tos branch of the Party of the continuity in the perpetuation of a partisan action and funding of the son Tuz belonging to the party.

When asked Ms. Munawar Mullah Hassun, Director Media party, the extent of the case, including Establishing greenhouses supported through his position as Prime Minister? He sovereignty :

Charged with the opening of an office in the Council of Ministers to Moaslt our relationship with the countries of the world, Turkish, and within the framework of the balance career and our good terms with everyone to see that our national serve the country and the people, will not give up the right of our people whatever.

And finally concluded sovereignty talk, saying :
We must inspire confidence among us, and if we can spread the work a lot. Hatred love us